Head of the School — Daniil Alexandrov
16 Soyuza pechatnikov Ulitsa
14a Promyshlennaya Ulitsa
17 Promyshlennaya Ulitsa
This article examines the discourses of water pollution and protection in the Soviet Union in the 1950s-1960s. It explores discursive practices which sprung up related to two paper and pulp plants, one located on the shore of Lake Baikal and another production unit in Svetogorsk on the border with Finland. These two discourses provide deep insight to pro-industry and nature protection claims which characterized Soviet water pollution and protection discourses in the 1950s-1960s. The paper contends that discussions about pulp production near Baikal were influencing the conditions in other, far located regions and stimulated engineering of water treatment facilities. The development of such facilities became a compromise between supporters and defenders of increasing pulp industry production, but in practice did not result in solving the problem of water pollution. In analyzing this issue, I consider discussions around the Baikal pulp plant and first attempts of introducing advanced water treatment in an industrial city of Svetogorsk and beyond, also discussing contacts with the West, in particular with Finland and their effects on Soviet water management.
Following a normative approach that suggests international norms and standards for elections apply universally, regardless of regime type or cultural context, this book examines the challenges to electoral integrity, the actors involved, and the consequences of electoral malpractice and poor electoral integrity that vary by regime type. It bridges the literature on electoral integrity with that of political regime types.
Looking specifically at questions of innovation and learning, corruption and organized crime, political efficacy and turnout, the threat of electoral violence and protest, and finally, the possibility of regime change, it seeks to expand the scholarly understanding of electoral integrity and diverse regimes by exploring the diversity of challenges to electoral integrity, the diversity of actors that are involved and the diversity of consequences that can result.
This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of electoral studies, and more broadly of relevance to comparative politics, international development, political behaviour and democracy, democratization, and autocracy.
Relations between the EU and Russia have been traditionally and predominantly studied from a one-sided power perspective, in which interests and capabilities are taken for granted.
This book presents a new approach to EU-Russia relations by focusing on the role of images and perceptions, which can be major obstacles to the enhancement of relations between both actors. By looking at how these images feature on both sides (EU and Russia), on different levels (bilateral, regional, multilateral) and in different policy fields (energy, minorities, regional integration, multilateral institutions), the book seeks to reintroduce a degree of sophistication into EU-Russia studies and provide a more complete overview of different dimensions of EU-Russia relations than any book has done to date. Taking social constructivist and transnational approaches, interests and power are not seen as objectively given, but as socially mediated and imbued by identities.
This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of European Foreign Policy, Eastern Partnership, Russian Foreign Policy and more broadly to European and EU Politics/Studies, Russia studies, and International Relations.
This article studies the history of the region of Galicia as part of Ukraine, the idea of Ukrainian national space, and ways in which various national projects were competing for this region. Maps were representative of these ideas, presenting the continuous Ukrainian territory from the Sjan to the Don Rivers, became crucial parts of these descriptions and most actively entered the popular Ukrainian discourse.
This paper considers the efforts of local activists to participatein public discussions on contested territories in St. Petersburg, Russia, and influence political decision-making on their (re)development and change. It also questions to what degree such grassroots efforts become political and analyzes different contexts for, and barriers to, politicization. Complementing sociological theorization on civic engagement and civic participation with French pragmatism, we examine how these activists constantly shift between informal, context-specific forms of protest and more institutionalized and politicized ones. Using a case-study approach, we describe and compare two recent conflicts in St. Petersburg where local residents resisted (re)development projects imposed by political and economic elites: the defence of the Yurgens House in the historic center of the city against its expected demolition, and the protest against renovation in Alexandrino, a park area on the city’s periphery. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with local activists, participant and non-participant observation at public rallies and other gatherings, and qualitative analysis of protesters’ communication practices on social networks. We demonstrate that external political and social constraints encourage activists to be flexiblein their forms of engagement, using a wide repertoire of tools of contestation, using local knowledge tactically, operating rationally within legal frameworks, and addressing broad audiences in search for public justification and support. We conclude that, whether theselocal activists remain at the level of informal place-based initiatives or opt for more institutionalized and professionalized forms of civic participation, they insistently reject the political rationale of their efforts.
The article examines the history of using wood and timber wastes and annual plants as well as in the Soviet Union from the 1950s to the1960s. In the middle of the twentieth century, century Soviet leadership, producers, and scientists expressed their anxiety about the lack of forests near pulp and paper plants, and started looking for alternative raw materials. Modernization during the same period witnessed a number of initiatives to use different sources for pulp production, ranging from wood and timber wastes to reed and annual plants. It included attempts to develop low-waste and non-waste industrial technologies. In most cases, however, this search did not transform the supply of raw materials. Instead, most factories continued manufacturing pulp and pulp-based products using wood, and thus kept cutting and exploring undisturbed forests, in particular those in Siberia. In this article, I investigate the attempted use of alternative resources in industrial operations and examine why employing these materials, was not successful in the Soviet Union in the 1950s-1960s. I am interested in the organizational and technological aspects of how forestry developed and used resources in the Soviet Union. I illustrate how technologies circulated not only within the country, but also between the USSR and Western countries. The article contends that new practices did not change wasteful wood-use practices, in large part because the industry continued to contend with infrastructural and organizational obstacles while attempting to introduce alternative resources
Both Russian speakers and language planners underestimate the linguistic diversity of the city. Moscow is perceived and promoted as a monolingual megalopolis. The multilingualism is considered as a quality of ethnic regions forming a periphery of Russia while its capital keeps a monolingual and stable character.
The following paper deals with an issue of the Russian administrative reform of 2000s. The subject of analysis is the relationship between extent of inclusivity of the reform process and its outcomes. To study the relationship we start with focus on the federal stage of the reform’s design outlining institutions, involved actors and their strategies. We claim that due to closed character of the reform its official Conception was highly incoherent. After that, we turn our attention to implementation of the reform in regions. We illustrate this process sketching a case of the reform in the Republic of Karelia based on interviews with representatives of bureaucracy, civil society and experts’ community. Here we also demonstrate that greater engagement of interested groups results in better implementation of the reform. Then we introduce simple regression to trace the relationship between two major directions of the administrative reform – one based on the new public management idea of cost efficiency and other grounded on the public governance call for more participation of community. Our model shows that these directions are in strong contradiction due to logical incoherent Conception of the reform. We suggest some possible solution to deal with this problem to some extent that will require even broader set of actors involved in the process of the reform. Therefore, looking on examples from federal and regional dimensions of the Russian administrative reform, we argue that more open regime within a policy subsystem, broader circle of participating actors will lead to a more coherent content of a policy change and better implementation of initial conception.
Claimed since the first years of the Soviet regime, the equality of men and women in the issue of professional occupation affected the development of polar sciences in the USSR, which previously had been primarily male’s field. The chapter explores the role of women in Soviet Arctic and Antarctic exploration in 1930s- 1960s by focusing on professional careers of two distinguished female polar researchers: marine geologist Maria Klenova and northern architect Tatiana Rimskaya-Korsakova. The analysis of two different biographies elucidates how female experts in the field of Soviet Northern researches built individual strategies in their professional life, what were particular constrains and possible advantages, how they and their contemporaries reflect on their experience.
Availability of alternative information is often said to induce social discontent and to give rise to protest forms of political participation. But does this relation really exist, and is it universal? In contrast to previous studies, where generalized Internet use is most often a proxy for online information consumption and general political participation is a proxy for protest participation, we render a test of relationship specifically between online news consumption and protest participation. We explore self-reported cross-sectional data for 48 nations. The analysis provides empirical evidence that the likelihood of individual protest participation is positively associated with online news consumption. The study also shows that the magnitude of the effect varies depending on a political context: surprisingly, despite total control offline as well as online media, autocratic countries demonstrated effects of online news higher than in hybrid regimes where civilians usually have the access to Internet media that provide information which is alternative to the pro-government news agenda.
In this part of the book you can find resume of latest political studies concerning corruption and anti-corruption strategies. We suggest to use policy studies and agenda setting approach for analysis of this direction and anti-corruption reform. We argue this approach could be appropriate for investigation of the dynamics of political attention of decision makers to the problem of corruption.