Head of the School — Daniil Alexandrov
Saint Petersburg,16 Soyuza pechatnikov Ulitsa14a Promyshlennaya Ulitsa17 Promyshlennaya Ulitsa
Relations between the EU and Russia have been traditionally and predominantly studied from a one-sided power perspective, in which interests and capabilities are taken for granted.
This book presents a new approach to EU-Russia relations by focusing on the role of images and perceptions, which can be major obstacles to the enhancement of relations between both actors. By looking at how these images feature on both sides (EU and Russia), on different levels (bilateral, regional, multilateral) and in different policy fields (energy, minorities, regional integration, multilateral institutions), the book seeks to reintroduce a degree of sophistication into EU-Russia studies and provide a more complete overview of different dimensions of EU-Russia relations than any book has done to date. Taking social constructivist and transnational approaches, interests and power are not seen as objectively given, but as socially mediated and imbued by identities.
This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of European Foreign Policy, Eastern Partnership, Russian Foreign Policy and more broadly to European and EU Politics/Studies, Russia studies, and International Relations.
The much-maligned lines Eur. H.F. 1410–17 are treated in this article as a psychologically veritable conclusion – should we not wish to follow N. Wecklein and bluntly round off at 1404 – of the Amphitryon–Heracles–Theseus scene in which they are most at home where the tradition has them, at the very end, and not, as G. Bond would attempt to prove, immediately after 1253. Along the way to 1417 certain minor critical comments are offered.
Chapter presents a balance sheet of the effects of Russia's trajectory on the state property rights and the rule of law in light of international comparisons. It draws certain parallels between Russia and its post-Soviet neighbors, as well as authoritarian states of the Middle East, and reaches rather gloomy conclusions. There are copious evidence for the argument that during 2000's and especially the 2010's Russia experienced major institutional decay with regard to its legal and economic environment, which coincided with the decline of political freedoms due to increasing authoritarian trends. The chapter observes that the recent rise of the predatory state in Russia is deeply founded in its past in a path-dependent manner, and is reflected in the attitude and perceptions of many Russian citizens.
This article examines the discourses of water pollution and protection in the Soviet Union in the 1950s-1960s. It explores discursive practices which sprung up related to two paper and pulp plants, one located on the shore of Lake Baikal and another production unit in Svetogorsk on the border with Finland. These two discourses provide deep insight to pro-industry and nature protection claims which characterized Soviet water pollution and protection discourses in the 1950s-1960s. The paper contends that discussions about pulp production near Baikal were influencing the conditions in other, far located regions and stimulated engineering of water treatment facilities. The development of such facilities became a compromise between supporters and defenders of increasing pulp industry production, but in practice did not result in solving the problem of water pollution. In analyzing this issue, I consider discussions around the Baikal pulp plant and first attempts of introducing advanced water treatment in an industrial city of Svetogorsk and beyond, also discussing contacts with the West, in particular with Finland and their effects on Soviet water management.
The issue of capital city relocation is a topic of debate for more than forty countries around the world. In this first book to discuss the issue, Vadim Rossman offers an in-depth analysis of the subject, highlighting the global trends and the key factors that motivate different countries to consider such projects, analyzing the outcomes and drawing lessons from recent capital city transfers worldwide for governments and policy-makers.
This chapter seeks to provide a detailed account of the policy process that led to the adoption of the pension reform in Russia in 2001. Focusing on the major actors involved in the elaboration of the reform concept and their preferences, I show that the 2001 Russian pension reform appeared to be a compromise squared for the liberal insiders of Kasyanov’s government and, most of all, for Mikhail Dmitriev, a major driver and proponent of the market-oriented reform. As the 2000-2001 attempts to reform pensions in Russia were not the first of such endeavours, a previous attempt to introduce a model of privatization into the Russian pension system, carried out by the “young reformers” government in 1997-1998, is also examined in this chapter. This analysis helps us to identify the network of policy actors involved in the bargaining at the turn of the century (namely, distinguishing the “old” bureaucracy from the Ministry of Labour and the liberal reformers who were invited by Anatoly Chubais from the outside to elaborate the reform). Also, I show how the “window of opportunities” which opened when Vladimir Putin became the Russian president in spring 2000, in fact, limited the liberal reformers’ room for manoeuvre as the newly elected president chose to stake on the “old” bureaucracy as the backbone of the regime in the earliest stage of his presidency.
The article questions the structural approach to autocratic transition that sees government as knowingly and purposely building autocracy, and contributes to the tradition emphasizing the plurality of possible regime developments and the role of contingency therein, by providing a more systematic treatment of such contingency. We offer a path-dependent theory of political change and use insights from cognitive institutionalism to show how ad hoc policy reform practices become accepted as a trusted way of interaction by political actors and how they “learn” their way into autocracy. This intuition is substantiated with a case-study of the labour reform in Putin’s Russia. The early 2000s marked a surge in uncertainty in Russian politics caused by the succession crisis and the profound political turnover it triggered. This uncertainty could have resolved in a number of ways, each leading to a different political development. We trace the actual way out of this uncertainty and show that the major factor to condition further regime trajectory was the way social reforms were conducted. The course of these reforms determined the ruling coalition and the institutions that ensure credible commitment within its ranks (the dominant party), and contributed to crowding out the political market and opposition decay.
This article builds on research demonstrating that high levels of economic and physical security are conducive to a shift from Materialist to Postmaterialist values---and that this shift tends to make people more favorable to important social changes. This article updates this research, demonstrating that:
(1) These value changes occur with exceptionally large time-lags between the onset of the conditions conducive to them, and the societal changes they produce---as previous work implies but does not demonstrate. The evidence suggests that there was a time-lag of 40 to 50 years between when Western societies first attained of high levels of economic and physical security after World War II, and related societal changes such as legalization of same-sex marriage. (2) A distinctive set of “Individual-choice norms,” dealing with acceptance of gender equality, divorce, abortion and homosexuality, is moving on a different trajectory from other cultural changes. These norms are closely linked with human fertility rates and require severe self-repression. (3) Although basic values normally change at the pace of intergenerational population replacement, the shift from Pro-fertility norms to Individual-choice norms is now moving much faster, having reached a tipping-point where conformist pressures have reversed polarity and are now accelerating changes they once resisted. We test these claims against data from 80 countries containing most of the world’s population, surveyed from 1981 to 2014.
The First Russian Revolution demonstrated that there was considerable interest in democracy in the Transbaikal, Amur, and Maritime Regions in 1905–1907, which was widely shared across the empire and in East Asia. Democracy was understood as economic welfare, social justice, civil liberties, popular representation, decentralization, and national self-determination. Like elsewhere in the empire, protests started with economic demands, but many trade and professional political unions, strike committees, and soviets developed political programs. In Vladivostok, unrests among soldiers and sailors erupted into major riots with numerous casualties in October 1905, despite the attempts of Military Doctor Mikhail Aleksandrovich Kudrzhinskii and other intellectuals to make the movement peaceful. In Blagoveshchensk, the Amur Cossack teacher Mikhail Nikitich Astaf’ev joined a group of intellectuals who attempted to turn the municipal duma into a provisional government. In Nikolsk-Ussuriysky, Doctor Nikolai Vasil’evich Kirilov presided over the founding congress of the Ussuri Peasant Union, which discussed the introduction of rural revolutionary self-government. In Chita, Social Democrats under Anton Antonovich Kostiushko-Voliuzhanich took over much of the Transbaikal Railway. Tsyben Zhamtsarano and other Buryat intellectuals assembled for congresses demanding indigenous self-government. The recognition of these territories as the Russian Far East had already begun, but the loosely united Transbaikal, Maritime, and Amur Regions remained part of Siberia or North Asia for contemporary observers. The unity of Siberia from the Urals to the Pacific was reinforced by Siberian Regionalism which attracted the support of regional liberals and moderate socialists and consolidated through joint activities of Siberian deputies.
Crimea, Caucasus, and the Black Sea region in general became in the fourteenth – fifteenth centuries a major slave-exporting area that supplied Europe. The Italian colonies, mainly those in Caffa and Tana, were the transit points of this involuntary circulation of people. The Genoese of Caffa were large-scale slave traders, acting both on their own and through middlemen, effectively becoming the monopolists on the slave market, bringing captives to the Western Europe, the urban centres of Balkans and Asia Minor, and Mameluck Egypt. This circulation of people shaped the mixed, entangled, and multicultural societies of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. The fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were a period of changes of the sources of slave supply, which shifted from the Caucasus to Eastern Europe (the Golden Horde, the Russian lands, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth). Some cases of enslavement of people, their further circulation, liberation, integration in the Italian societies provides enlightening insights on the nature and operation of this trade within the Italian colonial environment.
The contemporary sociological debate highlights that youth is a category of age, but actual chronological youth is hardly viewed as a space of age production. Transition studies exclude youth as a stage of age identity production, while age studies do not problematize young people's experience. This article focuses on age construction by two groups of chronologically young women. The analysis of forty qualitative interviews with fifteen- to twenty-year-old girls and thirty- to thirty-five-year-old women from Saint Petersburg shows that the concept of youth is slipping away from the biographical narratives of the informants from both age groups. Subjective adulthood experienced by young women is a goal and a value, while a young body does not prove to be a significant and available resource. At the same time, adulthood is not constructed as a set of clearly defined social characteristics but as an identity, a subjective experience, embodied adult personhood.
In this article, author studies the history of the region of Galicia as part of Ukraine, the idea of Ukrainian national space, and ways in which various national projects were competing for this region. Maps were representative of these ideas, presenting the continuous Ukrainian territory from the Sjan to the Don Rivers, became crucial parts of these descriptions and most actively entered the popular Ukrainian discourse.
Packet processing increasingly involves heterogeneous requirements. We consider the well-known model of a shared memory switch with bounded-size buffer and generalize it in two directions. First, we consider unit-sized packets labeled with an output port and a processing requirement (i.e., packets with heterogeneous processing), maximizing the number of transmitted packets. We analyze the performance of buffer management policies under various characteristics via competitive analysis that provides uniform guarantees across traffic patterns (Borodin and ElYaniv 1998). We propose the Longest-Work-Drop policy and show that it is at most 2-competitive and at least -competitive. Second, we consider another generalization, posed as an open problem in Goldwasser (2010), where each unit-sized packet is labeled with an output port and intrinsic value, and the goal is to maximize the total value of transmitted packets. We show first results in this direction and define a scheduling policy that, as we conjecture, may achieve constant competitive ratio. We also present a comprehensive simulation study that validates our results.
This article contributes to a comparative analysis of the meaning of citizenship for youth. Young people, traditionally seen as ‘incomplete’ citizens in the process of transition to adulthood, possess their own everyday understanding of what it means to be a citizen in the contemporary world. Based on empirical qualitative material collected in two Russian cities, it is argued that there is a disjunction among young Russians between the ideal-typical perception of citizenship and the practical realisation of it. Particular emphasis is put on the ‘emotional’ understanding of citizenship by Russian youth involving the experience of particular feelings towards fellow citizens and the country.